Ethnic and national identity still represent a crucial issue in the South African political landscape. While politics fails to take responsibilities, South Africans turn against foreigners.

INTRODUCTION – Historical context of post-apartheid xenophobia

Despite having become the Rainbow Nation Desmond Tutu longed for, and in spite of the effort to overcome the division created by the segregationist government, South African politics is still anchored to apartheid-era tropes – above all, racial, ethnic and national identity.

Racism has paradoxically become a leitmotif in post-apartheid South African political discourse, and at least 1,343 incidents of xenophobic nature have occurred since 1994.

In 1995, just a year after the first democratic elections, several residents of Alexandra, a township near Johannesburg, formed the Operation Buyelekhaya (“go back home” in isiXhosa). The group targeted migrants mainly from Malawi, Zimbabwe and Mozambique, accused of having contributed to the rise of crime and violence in the region.

In 2008, a series of violent attacks against foreign citizens and workers in KwaZulu-Natal, Gauteng and Western Cape provinces caused the death of at least 62 people. In 2013, xenophobic demonstrations mainly targeted the Somali community and the aggressions culminated in the murder of a 25-year-old Somali citizen stoned to death in Port Elizabeth. Similar incidents occurred repeatedly between 2015 and 2019, particularly in the provinces of KwaZulu-Natal and Gauteng: in these circumstances, not only did the demonstrators provoke several casualties, but they also assailed and looted properties and businesses owned by foreigners.

Hardly did the lockdown imposed during the pandemic in 2020 curb the population’s xenophobic sentiment. Social unrest started to be conveyed through social media: hashtags such as #PutSouthAfricansFirst, #CleanUpSouthAfrica, #WeWantOurCountryBack and #AllForeignersMustLeave started to trend on Twitter, with a peak on 27th April 2020 – ironically, South African Freedom Day. A year later, some of these hashtags became the main slogans of a new vigilante movement: Operation Dudula (“repel” in isiZulu). In 2021, during the Youth Day celebrations (16th June), the newly constituted movement marched through the streets of Soweto, Johannesburg, targeting foreigners believed to be undocumented immigrants and businesses allegedly related to them. Operation Dudula became a political party in 2023, in order to be able to compete in the 2024 provincial elections, in which it obtained less than 4,000 votes, mainly in Gauteng.

Besides physically attacking foreigners and boycotting their businesses, Operation Dudula and other vigilante groups spontaneously formed through popular initiatives have organised mobs throughout the country demanding to check foreigners’ IDs. During one of these episodes, Elvis Nyathi, a Zimbabwean residing in Diepsloot, Johannesburg, was beaten and burnt alive by protestors claiming that Zimbabweans were involved in criminal activities.

Source: https://www.xenowatch.ac.za/statistics-dashboard/

CORPUS – Xenophobia in current South African politics: the 2026 protests

Since 2024, xenophobic narratives have become recurrent themes of South African political discourse. Besides Operation Dudula, which recently became a party and registered for the 2026 municipal elections, the Patriotic Alliance (PA) has been playing an important role in spreading xenophobic ideas throughout the country. Even though the party claims to only target illegal immigrants, due to its actions – e.g., manning borders, inspecting foreign-owned enterprises, and checking foreigners’ IDs – it has fostered a climate of hatred and suspicion against immigrants.

In March 2024, Jacinta Ngobese-Zuma, a famous Zulu radio broadcaster, founded the March and March (MAM) movement, a civic organisation campaigning against the presence of undocumented migrants in the country. The movement gained popularity through acts of vigilantism: for example, in 2025 volunteers manned several hospitals, denying access to people who refused to show their IDs.

Different political organisations have associated themselves with the movement: not only the Patriotic Alliance and Operation Dudula, but also the uMkhonto weSizwe (MK) and the Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP).

On 7th December 2025, MAM, along with the Insizwa Ngobunsizwa Development Foundation, issued an ultimatum to the government, demanding that all undocumented foreigners leave the country before 30th June 2026. This deadline was preceded by several xenophobic protests and incidents, especially in Johannesburg, Pretoria, Durban, and many parts of Gauteng and KwaZulu-Natal. Fearing violent attacks, many foreigners residing in South Africa sought help from their home countries and opted for voluntary repatriation on the eve of the deadline.
Although the 30th June demonstrations were more peaceful than expected, the South African political climate remains tense and the risk of social unrest is still high: Ngobese-Zuma confirmed that MAM will keep protesting every Thursday until the end of the year, advocating for the deportation of illegal immigrants.

SPECULATIVE HYPOTHESIS – What fuels the xenophobic sentiment?

South Africa’s immigrant population represents less than 4% of the total population (2,5 million people, according to the latest statistics). Nonetheless, the majority of South Africans perceive (illegal) immigration as one of the country’s most urgent issues.

Xenophobia is fostered by perceptions of relative deprivation, correlated with the high unemployment and poverty rates. In fact, foreigners are accused of “taking away jobs” from South African nationals, are believed to be more involved in criminal activity than locals, and are considered a burden for the country’s welfare system and public expenditure.

The rise of ethnonationalist and populist groups has largely contributed to the growth of xenophobic sentiment in the country. While immigrants have become convenient scapegoats for broader socioeconomic problems, several political parties have taken advantage of the situation in order to gain support among frustrated communities. In fact, one of MAM’s main political supporters is the MK.

Moreover, this kind of propaganda, relying on anti-immigration themes, also represents a political weapon against the African National Congress. The incumbent party is currently going through a phase of constant decline and systemic crisis, and its inability to hinder the country’s stagnation has contributed to social discontent. Hence, by fueling people’s fears and portraying immigration as one of the most pressing menaces to South African stability, opposition parties aim at gaining popular support in the next 2026 local elections.

SO WHAT? – The consequences of xenophobia

Xenophobic protests are bound to have both domestic and international consequences. On the one hand, rather than addressing structural challenges such as unemployment, inequality, and crime, xenophobia exacerbates political instability and economic insecurity. While the government fails to properly take action, violence creates a vicious cycle in which social unrest is likely to further undermine investment, growth, and public confidence in state institutions, both internally and internationally.

On the other hand, the xenophobic sentiment threatens to jeopardise South African attempts at presenting itself as a champion of Pan-Africanism and regional cooperation: in fact, the violence targeting African migrants undermines Pretoria’s credibility and leadership role in the continent. The diplomatic reactions of several African countries, such as Ghana and Nigeria, and the involvement of the African Union and the International Criminal Court have shown that xenophobic violence can damage South Africa’s soft power – an outcome that Pretoria is not willing to face.

Hence, in order to prevent the downfall of its diplomatic leverage in the region, the government, which had previously declared that the images of the aggressions were “fake”, had no choice but to condemn the violence.

Finally, unless the underlying political, economic and social challenges are addressed, xenophobia is likely to remain a crucial issue in South African politics, capable of undermining both the country’s domestic stability and its international aspirations to be regarded as a Pan-Africanist power and one of the most reliable partners in Africa.

In the long term, one can predict two different scenarios:

  • Best-case scenario: South Africa’s government could be able to address the country’s systemic challenges and strengthen its regional role through diplomatic initiatives aimed at minimizing the negative effects of the protests.
  • Worst-case scenario: the ruling elite’s inability to respond effectively to public discontent could intensify the protests, leading to a deterioration of domestic stability and of South Africa’s standing on the international stage.


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Francesca Sorini

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